INTRODUCTION
G. LázárMr. Prime Minister
Thank you for your kind words and generous hospitality.
This is my first visit to Hungary—and the first visit by a British Prime Minister to your country.
Orlulok hogy itt vagyok Budapesten
The histories of Britain and Hungary have touched at many points. [end p1]
The authors of your Golden Bull of 1222 were, I believe much influenced by the authors of our Magna Carta of 1215. Lajos Kossuth enjoyed a triumphant tour of Britain in 1851 and remained in London for several years.
Several of your great musicians knew Britain well. Liszt, for example, began his international career in my country. The same British engineer who built Hammersmith Bridge in London also built the fine bridge over the Danube, joining Buda and Pest. [end p2]
Before I left London I was shown, in my room at the House of Commons, an engraving of this fine Parliament Building—which in many of its architectural features reminds us of our own Palace of Westminster.
In modern times, different activities have brought us together. In a famous match some 30 years ago you beat us 6-3 at Wembley and your prowess on the football field is still legendary in Britain. And perhaps we have created another legend with our famous ice-dancing pair, of whom we are very proud, who won the European championship in Budapest three [end p3] weeks ago—the only ice in our relationship.
Mr. Prime Minister, in the year 1000, St. Stephen was crowned as the first Christian King of Hungary. He is described in our history books—and perhaps in yours—as the founder and architect of the first independent realm of Hungary. In my words to you tonight I want to look—not back to that millennium—but forward to the next, to the year 2000. [end p4]
THE CHALLENGE
We are but 16 years from that day. It will inevitably be a time when the peoples of the world take stock. They will ask what the human race has achieved; what it should have achieved; and what it might have prevented.
We all—the government and people of Hungary, we in Britain and the peoples of the wider world—still have the chance to affect the events that will dominate the [end p5] judgement made upon us. Today in 1984, we must ask ourselves these questions.
How with our different histories, experiences and beliefs do we ensure that we progress towards a better life for our peoples? Better in the sense that they can pursue their own personal ambitions and hopes and together create a better quality of life for future generations. [end p6]
How do we ensure that each nation can shape its own destiny—a destiny in keeping with the character and ideals of its peoples?
How can we build a secure peace and accomplish that freedom from fear which has eluded so many of our predecessors?
That is the challenge.
THE RESPONSE
And in responding we must not allow ourselves to be prisoners of events, still less to be deflected by plausible [end p7] half-truths or empty panaceas. We must wrestle with the world as it is, and try to make it what we would like it to be.
SCIENCE AND TECHNOLOGY
In pursuing our goals we have at our disposal unprecedented scientific and technological resources.
The twentieth century began with the internal combustion engine; it has seen a revolution in communications, medical and agricultural science, new materials, and automation. [end p8] It began with a belief that the atom was indivisible. Now not only do we know how to harness nuclear science, but we draw closer to knowing the fundamental nature of matter. We have moved into space exploration. But such is the pace of research and technological change that we cannot foretell the discoveries even of the next 16 years. We have the resources—and if we also have imagination, energy and common sense, the world of 2000 will be one of greater opportunity, more freedom of choice, less [end p9] hardship, less poverty, and more knowledge.
ECONOMY
Both our countries, Mr. Prime Minister, are trading nations. Both have suffered from current world economic difficulties. We welcome the signs that the recession is ending. This will give us better opportunities to increase our bilateral trade. We wish success to the promotion of your exports through the “Hungarian Days” shortly to be held in [end p10] London. We encourage you to study and analyse the British market and seek further export possibilities. The British door is open. And we ask that our businessmen should receive comparable opportunities here to compete with all comers on equal terms.
In the years ahead there will be many calls for “protectionism” . I hope we shall have the courage to resist them. Protected industries tend to become inefficient [end p11] industries; their products fail to keep pace with change: they soon become dying industries. And custom goes elsewhere. We want to increase world trade. The hunger for a higher standard of living the world over is so great that the problem is not how to share out the existing demand but how to encourage our economies to produce the goods and the growth that will meet the legitimate aspirations of our people. [end p12]
ARMS CONTROL AND DISARMAMENT
I come to Hungary at a time when the political landscape of our own continent, and of others, is clouded. We have already had the chance to tell each other something of the aims of our government and of our hopes, as well as our fears about international developments.
Today we stand on different sides of a political divide. But the search for stability, security and peace embraces us both. [end p13]
One great test of leadership in the next 16 years will be the imagination and determination we bring to the tasks of arms control and disarmament. We shall need political will as well as mutual respect. Political will—because arms control agreements do not make themselves. Mutual respect—for it is useless to suppose that East or West will agree to dismantle weapons unless at every stage we are left with a balance which preserves our security. [end p14] —We must both be ready to adopt practicable measures. —We must both be ready to have them verified. —We must each recognise the other's need for security.
If all accept this approach, there could be fewer nuclear weapons, fewer conventional weapons, and for a start perhaps chemical weapons could be abolished altogether as Britain has already done.
At the current Stockholm Conference we seek concrete measures to strengthen confidence and security in Europe, and Britain will do everything possible to achieve that goal. [end p15]
In Budapest tonight I stress that Britain and her allies positively want agreements to reduce arms. The need is urgent. Weapons that were fiction yesterday are fact today, and will be overtaken tomorrow. There is a deep yearning amongst our peoples to halt and reverse this process, particularly in the nuclear field. This is no time for empty chairs in Geneva. This is the time to talk; the time to negotiate; the time to succeed. [end p16]
We in Britain believe passionately in certain fundamental values—in peace with freedom, justice and political democracy. We shall always be true to them, always argue our cause, and defend it with vigour. The Hungarian experience and system differ from ours and you will speak of your own beliefs. But we have common interests which we can pursue. To work for a world where we can live together without conflict and to our mutual advantage is [end p17] neither to abandon our beliefs nor to relax our vigil. And the membership of our respective alliances does not exclude bilateral co-operation.
PEACE
Mr. Prime Minister, those of us who remember the horrors of war—and we shall be fewer as time goes by—have a particular strong commitment to peace. To a peace which means —more than the silence of guns —more than a signature on a treaty [end p18]
We seek the kind of peace —in which each nation keeps its self-respect; —in which men and nations devote themselves to building a better life for their children.
The message which St. Stephen embraced was Peace on Earth, Goodwill towards men. Let us dedicate ourselves to the true millennium, blessed by both, for peace cannot be achieved without goodwill. [end p19]
Despite our differences, I believe Hungary and Britain share these aspirations. We can and must work together—for the onward march of civilisation. Your invitation has enabled me to see the country I have heard so much about. I thank you for your hospitality and for the friendliness of our talks. I hope that it will soon be possible for you to visit London to continue the valuable discussions that we have begun today. [end p20] I raise my glass to you, Prime Minister, and to the Hungarian people: I drink to your health and prosperity.