(Prolonged applause as MT announced to speak)
Mr President, Alan BoydAlan, and Stephen HastingsStephen and all other friends here on this splendid occasion. Do you know we have had such marvellous speeches I'm not sure there is anything left for me to say (laughter). But we really here … we meet to acknowledge Parliamentary achievement which I think is without precedent and it's a great celebration this evening. Because for more than half a century the Mid-Bedfordshire constituency has been represented in the House of Commons by two members only, each of whom as you can see looks remarkably youthful (laughter and applause) and both of whom are still Members of Parliament. My Lord Boyd, it is true, is of the Upper House having represented this constituency for twenty-nine years and having been a member of the House of Lords for nearly twenty-two years. What a marvellous record (words lost in applause).
Now Alan, as he said, first stood for Parliament at Gower in South Wales in 1929 when as he so gallantly said I was four years old. (Loud laughter.) Patsy, dear, did you not vet his speech for that bit? (laughter). I understand his meetings were always heckled by coal miners, usually with missiles as well as insults being occasionally thrown. Yet when he went canvassing in the villages he was told it was not the people of Gower who had caused the disruption. I understand that the people of Gower had an agreement with the people of Ebbw Vale (laughter). For the Conservative Party meetings in Gower the miners from Ebbw Vale went and threw the missiles. For Conservative Party meetings in Ebbw Vale the miners of Gower … (words lost in laughter). That enabled both communities to satisfy themselves that they were not being discourteous to the local Conservative candidate.
Now I understand, Alan, that you were chosen in a rather distinguished way, as you told us, by reading the lesson in the local church and by being approved by the Duke of Bedford. Well I must say God moves in a mysterious way (laughter). I can't say that I had anything like such a distinguished start. I was chosen for Dartford mainly because I happened to meet the chairman on the Llandudno Pier one Saturday (loud laughter).
I understand—you brought in I know the General Election of 1931—and that was a rather special election. There was as you know a very great economic crisis on and certain candidates were chosen as National Government candidates and in this constituency there had been a sitting Liberal who was chosen as the National Government candidate and it was suggested that Alan as the Conservative candidate should stand down. For this National Government candidate, a Mr Gray, was Parliamentary Secretary at the Ministry of Labour in the National Government and Alan said he most certainly was not going to stand down for a man who had only got a bottle washer's job (laughter). He recalls it I believe (loud laughter). I can assure you, it's been authenticated (laughter). The Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Labour was only a bottle washer's job and Alan wasn't going to … well thank goodness he didn't stand down. Anyway, he won. By a [end p1] strange irony, seven years later he had his first Parliamentary promotion on the Ministerial ladder. He was appointed … Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Labour (laughter). Why not? My first step on the ladder was as Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Pensions and National Insurance. After all, it's not the man who makes the office … it's not the … it's not the man who makes the office. I'm sorry, it's the man who makes the office not the other way round, and the woman who makes the office, not the other way round.
And of course having won the constituency from the Liberals in 1931, Alan has held it at every General Election until he went to the House of Lords in 1960. And unless he'd been a splendid local member there were times when this seat might have been in danger (hear, hear). Well we thank him for that wonderful tradition which he set during that long period of service to this constituency.
Of course, he also had a long and marvelous career in both Houses of Parliament. Indeed his record of service to party and country has been superb (hear, hear) and I know of course the period of which quite rightly he's most proud were his five years as Secretary of State for the Colonies. When a Prime Minister, one of my tasks came to go to Commonwealth Conferences, you know, they still remember Alan as the greatest Colonial Secretary this country ever had. Perhaps as great they remember him with great affection and admiration as a person and you know that is not always so in politics. He was of course committed by instinct and by intellect to the transformation of Empire into Commonwealth and no man in all our long history built surer foundations for the Britain of the present day which we know. I came across a speech which he made more than a quarter of a century ago, from which I'd like to quote. He said this:
“Our objective and, as we would like to see it, our mission, is now clear. It is to create a Commonwealth of free, independent, prosperous, economically and politically sound nations, bound together by mutual respect and by loyalty to the values of our civilisation” .
He went on:
“To this Commonwealth we offer the Crown of England as a symbol worthy of its ideals” . (Hear, hear.)
What a wonderful speech. A Commonwealth built on ideals. British ideals. And we know that what people fight for isn't merely a standard of living or an income tax bracket or a lesser interest mortgage. It is for ideals. And that Commonwealth was founded on the ideals which this country has taken all over the world.
And I was very much reminded of that speech when, just a few days ago, the present Sir Sonny RamphalSecretary-General of the Commonwealth referred to what we were doing in the Falklands, which as Alan said he administered. What the present Secretary-General of the Commonwealth said was this: “In making a firm and unambiguous response to Argentine aggression, Britain is rendering a service to the international community as a whole” (hear, hear) (applause). That was the Secretary-General of the Commonwealth that Alan did so much to found. And it recognises that unless some country says “stop” to invaders, then the whole world will be liable to invasion of their territory by any aggressor who wishes to enlarge his territorial property (hear, hear) (applause). [end p2] So Alan, we honour you here tonight and salute you as our principal guest who is indeed a worthy Companion of Honour.
Of course the other cause of our Golden Anniversary dinner is Alan 's successor, Stephen Hastings. There could have been no worthy or more resolute successor. For Stephen too has carried on the same tradition of public service and personal honour. When he was elected at the by-election of 1960 his majority was 6,000. It is now 21,000, and three years ago it was nearly 21,000. That's quite a handy majority … (applause drowning the words) … founded tremendous effort. And throughout his twenty-two years in the House and you know he's junior to me—junior to me, Stephen, in Parliamentary years (loud laughter) … throughout his twenty-two years in the House no member has been more widely respected and admired, both in his constituency and at Westminister and I was very sad indeed when he said he had decided not to seek reelection in 1984. You know, it is always a great problem when George ThomasMr Speaker in the House of Commons who has become so famous since our proceedings were broadcast that you hear “order, order” , although it's not “order” that we actually hear (laughter). Mr Speaker has to decide who shall speak. He usually allows me, when I want to (loud laughter). When he comes to selecting other people he looks round and I'm afraid there is a rule, you know, in the House of Commons that Privy Councillors—that is people who have held ministerial office—take precedence who haven't held ministerial office. This is a source of rather ribald comment from time to time from the backbenches. But after Privy Councillors, there was always a Speaker who advises successor Speakers that after Privy Councillors he should decide his priorities by looking round and if he couldn't see a Privy Councillor he should choose a Master of Foxhounds (loud laughter). Well, that as you will gather was many many years ago. But if that rule still obtained today I think Stephen, would be perpetually on his feet in the House of Commons. Stephen, of course, would no doubt say that as that rule no longer obtains times have changed for the worse.
But you know I was re-reading Stephen 's election address at the last election. And this is what he said:
“Neither the nation nor an individual can live happily without some discipline and respect for authority, without a sense of duty and obligations to others. We are all one people and together we can stand against anything” .
You know those words were almost prophetic for the kind of situation that we have met so very recently.
Now of the fifty years naturally you both reminisced. Of course I am bound to reminisce and to see what is the spirit of our time, to look for just a moment and see what has changed and what has stayed the same over those fifty years that we celebrate tonight, from 1931 coming up to 1982. Oh yes, many many things have changed. When Alan became member for this constituency there were certain very obvious features about our country. We were a country of might, oh yes, a very very powerful nation, recognised the world over. But even more important than being a country of might, we were a country of right (hear, hear) and we were a country of majesty. Might, right and majesty. Might, oh great might. We were after all a very great Empire and Commonwealth. Let us never forget that when we stood in the cause [end p3] of right that whole Empire and Commonwealth which Alan had done so much to create came to stand by us to see that the things in which we believed should survive and endure.
Now, of course, that might in some respects have changed. We are not so relatively powerful today. The great powers in the world today are the United States, as far as might is concerned, and the Soviet Union. And yet both still look to us, and I believe will continue to look to us, because of this thing which we have always had in Britain. We stand for right and we are the nation who can be trusted and everyone recognises that. And I hope they will always continue to do so and I hope we shall always be worthy of it (hear, hear) (applause).
You know I have to answer questions in the House of Commons twice a week. I'm sure you do and I never forget it (laughter). You never know what the questions are going to be—it might be the National Health Service in Bedfordshire, it might be the number of jobs in Wigan, it might be the situation with regard to relations with India, it might even be a question on the Falklands (laughter). Well yesterday a question came up on the Falklands and one of the Labour backbenchers got up and said to me: “Wasn't really peace more important than anything and wasn't it terrible that there might be bloodshed and would I not think therefore of having peace immediately so that there is no bloodshed?” . And I was bound to get up and say to him: “Look, there is one thing in the world more important even than peace. It is liberty and justice and duty” (hear, hear). “And unless our forefathers had fought for those things, you” , I said to this Labour Member of Parliament, “would not be able to question me in the House of Commons today” (hear, hear) (applause).
You know I'm a great Kipling fan. I always have been. Since, you know, each of us is just a creature of our childhood in some ways, um, with which, what we learned at home are the attitudes that have shaped our lives. And I remember vividly at the age of ten, that is 1935 (MT turning to guest of honour) (laughter) I asked at school, we had to write an essay on Kipling because I think he had just died and we had to write an essay on just how much he had meant, his poetry meant and how much he had meant to Britain. I may tell you we didn't spend half as much on education in those days as we do now but at the age of ten I could write an essay about Kipling. And from that time I became extremely fascinated with all his poetry and the way in which this extraordinary person had managed to capture the spirit of the age. And as I say to you, so we have the liberties for which our ancestors fought I remember he did write the most marvelous poem. It is called “Heritage” . The last four lines of it run like this: “Dear bought and clear A thousand years our fathers' title runs Make we likewise their sacrifice Defrauding not our sons” .
That, of course, was the heritage which we had. When I said to that Labour Member that liberty, justice and duty are even more important than peace, I meant that we have a duty to see that those things are perpetuated not only in our own generation but to see that those of us who have inherited them pass them on to future generations and if possible try to enlarge the area of the world which enjoys it. [end p4]
Now these things haven't changed, though we might not have quite the might, though when the fleet sailed, as you said, it looked absolutely marvellous. And one did realise that we are still, still, the third largest naval power in the world (hear, hear) (applause). Those things haven't changed. Nor the speed with which the Commonwealth came to support us. Nor, as we learn especially today, this evening, has our friendship with the United States changed. It is once more in full bloom again (hear, hear) (applause). We are very grateful indeed to Mr Haig for his strenuous efforts to seek peace. But you know it is not always easy between a dictatorship which stands for subjugation of the people and a democracy which only flourishes by the wishes of the people.
We have of course one extra thing, that Alan will be the first to say, from the days when he first entered Parliament. We have a strength and a unity in Europe which we did not have in pre-war days (hear, hear) (applause). And when people talk about the European Economic Community, isn't so much the economics which I go for, we'll quarrel about those till the end of recorded time (laughter), and so will the economists. What it is is an area of stability and democracy in Europe and it is that which the world so needs at the present and it is that which we need to enlarge.
So these things, might, right and majesty, we still have the tremendous majesty, the oldest monarchy which obtains today. We still have the right, and we're not half bad when it comes to might either (laughter and applause).
When I look at the economics, well, as you know, yes there have been economic troubles, as other countries have come up having enlarged their industrial power, enlarged their trade, enlarged their exports, enlarged their technologies, there are new countries, newly developing countries which produce the things which only we and the European and American countries used to produce. We have had great trade unions growing up, learning to exert their power. And for a time I feared that we were going to suffer from something which could have been fatal. I think Alan and Stephen will both agree with me. In the post-war period the pattern has been that more and more people have said “I have got a problem. The Government must solve it” (hear, hear). And more and more people have come to think that if they could get a protest group together or a lobbying group together they could get a better standard of living by lobbying and protesting to the Government than they could by their own efforts. A lot of people used industrial muscle to get a bigger share than that to which they were entitled by virtue of their own efforts. So it looked as if people were going to say “I have a problem. The Government must solve it” . And Ladies and Gentlemen, if that had gone on much longer it would have been dealt to the spirit that was Britain (hear, hear) (applause). Because it that had gone on longer it would have meant that there was a new freedom in this country—freedom from responsibility. The one freedom we do not want. Because democracy can only flourish on people being prepared to take personal responsibility for themselves, their families, their friends and their neighbours (applause).
And as it went on you know there came a time when elections—and you've seen it—and politicians, not us, but other politicians would get up and promise people more and more. And they can only promise with the people's own efforts, with the people's own money. And for a time it worked. [end p5] And I got very very worried indeed. Then one or two people in our generation said “look, this will not do” . Britain grew, the character of Britain grew, because her people whatever their background, were prepared to take personal responsibility, had personal initiative, personal enterprise, flair and great personal pride. I can remember too in my upbringing, it being duly explained to me that the great feature of this country, if we ever had to get into battle—and battle was very much a part, it overhung my childhood and the childhood of many of you here—because it didn't matter what your background was, that British soldiers could take the initiative themselves and didn't have to depend upon orders if they got into very difficult times. It was part of my childhood, part of my belief. We were the sort of people who could take our own initiative, who could decide in difficult times what we would do and carry it out. And this was the great character and great feature of Britain. And for a time one began to wonder as one saw massive strikes and people not liking them but not daring not to join in. And one began to wonder when we had one or two strikes, and I remember there were one or two, up at the submarine base which might have put the deterrent in jeopardy, and began to wonder for a moment, has something different come into British life, which could be very damaging to us?
And then it came to our present crisis. Now I must tell you, um, there is what is known as Thatcher's law of politics (laughter). I'll tell you what it is. It is that the unexpected always happens (laughter). I didn't expect it to be proved as vividly as … (laughter). But the unexpected happens. The Falkland Islands crisis. But you see the unexpected happens in far more senses than the Falklands crisis. It awoke in Britain a fantastic pride of country (hear, hear) (applause). And people of all politics, of all backgrounds, we weren't going to have this. This country was a free country and we weren't going to have other people walking all over British citizens even though they were 8,000 miles away (applause). We, the British people, were fed up with the abuse of power, whether it happened at home or it happened internationally and someone had to say stop and who better than the British? (Hear, hear.) Once again this great thing, we not only stood for might, but we stood for right. Oh yes, of course, we depend greatly, and are very grateful for the support of the United Nations. But we live in a real world and we know that Afghanistan is still occupied in spite of United Nations resolutions, that Vietnam and Cambodia are still in very great war and trouble in spite of United Nations resolutions, and Iran and Iraq. And with that United Nations resolution behind us we know we either have to persuade Argentine (sic) to withdraw or we in fact have in the end to be prepared to use force for those things which I said, liberty and justice and duty. And it was in that spirit that we set out and in that spirit we got not only the support of government, because they are government decisions, not only support of our own party, but the support of the men and women of this country, who feel exactly the same way as we do about our citizens the other side of the world.
Now you've gathered that Stephen and I have sat in the same Parliament. Alan and I sat in the same Parliament. We all three sat in the same Parliament as Winston Churchill. You were one of his ministers, you were in the same Parliament because Winston didn't retire until 1964. We three sat in the same Parliament as Winston. Winston, with his tremendous long service, served in one job or another in politics or in the army, not only our Queen but Queen Victoria. Disraeli served Queen Victoria. Peel served Queen Victoria. What I am saying is that this is the way the thread of history runs. Alan, Stephen, I with Winston. Winston served the same Queen as Disraeli served, Peel, and so this continuity through our beliefs continues. And in spite of all the changes which have happened since 1931, since Alan entered Parliament—oh yes, times have changed—there have been certain things which have been unchanging throughout those years, and that is the undaunted spirit of the British people (hear, hear) (applause).
You very kindly, Stephen, referred to me and said that this constituency had been a very dry constituency for fifty years. It is very good therefore that I come to your Golden Anniversary. Because Thatchers, good Thatchers, keep houses dry (laughter and applause).
May I make just one final comment? It used to be said by a great American politician, Dean Acheson, that Britain had lost an Empire but had not yet found a role. I believe Britain has now found a role. It is in upholding international law and teaching the nations of the world how to live and I'm very proud to be Prime Minister of a country that has the role in the world of which we are a part (loud applause).