Chancellor Kohl
Prime Minister, Ladies and Gentlemen,
I should like to welcome you very warmly for our press talk.
The 16th Anglo-German consultation has again been marked by friendship and a very high degree of agreement on international issues.
Almost the most important thing for me is that in this way we can quite regularly, almost in the form of Cabinet Meetings if you like, discuss current problems, exchange views, also talk about differences of opinion, which is all of the very greatest importance.
In these talks which Mrs. Thatcher and I have had and which our colleagues had amongst themselves, we were able to discuss in detail and in great depth the question which is of the very greatest importance and that is that of East-West relations. [end p1]
We are both extremely happy, of course, that the prognosis which we pronounced during the deployment debate—this forecast—has been confirmed, which was at the time that we said that if there was no agreement that deployment would take place, and as I said, our prognosis has been confirmed, namely that further talks would in fact follow and now, as we all know, there has been this Geneva meeting between the United States and the USSR and there they have agreed to talk about further talks.
The thing which is of greatest importance is in our view that we must not be put under any pressure of time. We shall need a great deal of patience in these talks and there will also be needed the ability on both sides to move towards one another.
We are highly satisfied that the US President and the United States Administration have in fact kept their promise, which was that there would be very close consultation with their European Allies. We are perfectly certain that this consultation will be extremely useful, in that it will open up for us—the European Allies—to take a certain influence on the course of these talks.
In this context, it is very important to note that the position of the West is the stronger, the clearer its unity is, which has again been proved.
Mrs. Thatcher told me about the visit paid to her by Mr. Gorbachev and we both agreed that it would be very [end p2] important that over and above and beyond the field of talks about armaments, it will be important to activate political contacts in all fields, in all spheres, and at all levels.
We had a very interesting and in-depth discussion about the subject which is of great interest to everybody, and that is the 40th anniversary of the end of the War on 8 May 1945.
I explained to the Prime Minister the specific psychological situation in the Federal Republic and I explained to her that two-thirds of the population alive in the Federal Republic today do not, from their own experience, remember the terrible things that happened under the Hitler regime, because they were born after it, and it is important, therefore, for us to commemorate this day in being aware of the history of our people and remembering the terrible things that were done in the name of Germany, but it is also in this sense for us a day of liberation and at the same time we must remember all the suffering and all the dead, and so when we commemorate this we commemorate this date by turning inwards and thinking about our past and our future.
It is also important in remembering this zero hour in German history, we should remember the fact that the chance which was offered us at that time was used. We built up the Federal Republic and we have contributed to maintaining peace and freedom and progress for forty years, and that is the very great achievement of the generation before us, and of course, in all this we must always think [end p3] back to the by now almost legendary speech of Winston Churchill which he delivered in Zurich, which helped to lay the foundation for this future development.
We also spoke in depth about the state of the European Community and, of course, in this context the enlargement through the accession of Spain and Portugal, and I pointed out that as we had promised these countries, the negotiations to this end must be successfully concluded. And I also pointed out that we are determined that the increase of the Community's own resources which is planned for 1 January 1986 is absolutely tied to that enlargement of the Community by these two countries, and we have agreed that some consensus will have to be found with regard to securing the 1985 Budget for the Community.
As you know, the next-but-one European Community Summit Meeting will take place towards the end of June in Milan and there it will look into the Report which by then will have been completed by the ad hoc Commission on the subject of the further development of political union in Europe, and we agreed that before that time—and here the Prime Minister has kindly invited me to come to Chequers—we would prepare this conference very intensively at a meeting in Chequers, where we would have time and we would not be under any pressure of time, and I attach particular importance to that meeting there, because I feel that the Milan Summit which will, as I have said, take place somewhere towards the end of June, will be of the very greatest importance for the future development of Europe. [end p4]
Prime Minister
Thank you very much. I endorse what Chancellor Kohl has said, but may I add a few words of my own.
We have discussed three of the main strands of politics: the economic strand, which is of such significance both to our people and to other peoples across Europe and in Africa and the wider world; the strand of the development of the European Economic Community, in which we have seen such advance in the last year; and the strand of East-West relations, upon which I believe we are on the verge of a great step forward.
We looked at it from the viewpoint of what had been achieved in the kind of year that 1984 was, and what we could hope for in 1985.
In economic matters, during the year 1984, in spite of all problems, both our economies were able to grow—Germany by a little bit more than ours, but we grew, I think by about 2–2½%;, and the figures we had out yesterday indicated that industrial production had gone up in this quarter over the last quarter by some 2%;. We have also in Britain had certain problems with coal strikes and, of course, our economy would have grown more had we not had those. But growth and holding inflation and more cooperation between ourselves and the United States have, I think, formed a very good basis as we go into the year 1985, and may I just add that I thought there was a very satisfactory communique from the G5 Nations Statement of Communique out yesterday. [end p5]
Secondly, as far as the Community was concerned, 1984 was the year in which we addressed the fundamental problems which had been put on one side year after year. We addressed them and are very far on the way to solving them, and also we are on the way to enlarging the Community and sorting out those problems. Again, the same thing: we addressed and solved fundamental problems, and that augurs very well for 1985.
And thirdly, the third great strand: 1984/85 showed, I believe, new hope for progress in East-West relations. This is partly because Germany, ourselves and our Allies were very firm in 1984 over the stationing of Pershing and Cruise missiles and we showed our resolve and our strength. We have always wanted to negotiate with the Warsaw Pact countries to try to get armaments down and bring new hope for our people. I believe that our strength in 1984 and our determination has borne fruit. As Chancellor Kohl said, we were both very pleased indeed with the results of the talks between the United States and the USSR—the Shultz-Gromyko talks—in Geneva. There is a long way to go, but we again have a new hope, a new basis, for confidence.
And so, 1985 is going to be a year of decision. We are entitled to approach the great decisions that we will have to take in a spirit of confidence, cooperation and friendship.
I will confine my remarks now to referring to what Chancellor Kohl referred to—the 8th May 1945—on which we see the 40th anniversary this year, and of course the August day in 1945 of which we also see the 40th anniversary. [end p6]
Our people naturally wish to commemorate this day that year which saw the end of the conflict in Europe and the end of the conflict in the Far East. We shall, of course, recall the sacrifice of those who died. We shall also approach it in the spirit of commemorating forty years of peace with freedom, because we believe that that year saw a new rebirth of freedom—a new rebirth which affects us all—and which we can all commemorate.
It is a freedom which Germany and we stand staunchly together, always ready to defend. A freedom of which we regard ourselves as trustees for future generations; and a freedom which is a beacon of hope for those who have yet to possess it. And I hope and believe that that approach and that feeling will find an echo in the hearts of all who love liberty everywhere, and all who love liberty in the Federal Republic of Germany and in the United Kingdom.
And so I hope that day will be a rededication to the values we cherish and I hope and believe that the year will be a year of coming together to solve the problems that lie ahead, to try to find a better world for those to whom we are responsible and for those everywhere.
Thank you. [end p7]
Question (Mr. Brunson, ITV)
Prime Minister and Chancellor, I know VE-Day has not been the main topic of your discussions but, as you say, there is great interest.
You, Prime Minister, have said that there will be a national celebration, and you, Chancellor, I know, are considering one. Will there be—or could there be—any international commemoration which could involve not only your two selves but also perhaps the Soviet Union?
Prime Minister
I doubt it. I think that each of us would wish to remember that day in our own way; each in our own countries will decide who should be present at that occasion, and as I said in the house yesterday, of course we would expect to have our High Commissioners present because you know the Commonwealth was a very much a part of those days and, of course, we would wish to have the ambassadors present of Europe and those of our Allies. So naturally, we would expect to see our ambassador from Germany and of course we would wish also or expect to see the ambassador for the Soviet Union. I am in some difficulty about this, because the form of celebration has not entirely been decided and I am almost talking about invitations before anyone can receive them or before consultations have taken place in full. So will you just take it as an indication of the way in which we are thinking, because I must consult [end p8] very widely before we finally decide. It is a national celebration.
Chancellor Kohl
I know nothing of an international commemoration about which you have asked.
For us Germans, this will be a day of commemoration, a day of confrontation with our own history, and a day concerning our future, and I think that is the way it will be done.
Question (In German)
In your interview with “The Times” , Federal Chancellor, you said that any reform of the Community must not be something that is just on paper, but it must be based on very solid foundations and in this context you would be prepared to consider a new treaty which would lay down the new forms in clear terms.
Could you perhaps explain this a little further, what you have in mind there, and what the reaction of your partners to this attitude is?
Chancellor Kohl
Well, as I have just said, in the summer of this year there will be the European Community Summit in Milan which will have to be very carefully prepared, and in this context I have also referred to the talks which I hope to have with the Prime Minister at Chequers, and also there [end p9] will be of course talks with other member states involved, and all this requires a great deal of very careful preparation. So I do not think that we should now start a public discussion about these matters, because that might then even involve a certain amount of prestige. That is not what I propose we should do at all.
What I want to do is to talk very carefully with as many people as possible to ensure that the Milan Summit will be successful, and as the Prime Minister has said, I think 1985 will be a year for decisions and a year of decisions, and therefore bearing all this in mind, I cannot—and in fact I will not—now enter into any details at this stage.
Question
The reactions of other partners please?
Chancellor Kohl
We have talked about them. We have touched upon this. This was the first more or less intensive discussion on this, but we have to continue our talks. Prime Minister, would you like to add something on this?
Prime Minister
No, I am quite happy with that reply. [end p10]
Question
Question to the Chancellor and the Prime Minister.
Have you discussed or agreed any reference to the 8th May in the Final Communique of the Economic Summit in Bonn in May?
Chancellor Kohl
No, we have not talked about that today. It will be done no doubt in the preparation for this Economic Summit.
Question
Is it likely after today's discussions?
Chancellor Kohl
I am quite sure when we meet on that occasion that then our guests who will be the guests of the Federal Republic, will stress what the Prime Minister has just stressed when she spoke to you, which is that the maintenance for forty years of peace and freedom is a very great historic achievement from which we have all benefited.
Prime Minister
My answer would be no. I have forgotten what your original question was, but that was the answer to it!
When you go on to further details about Bonn Summits and so on, can I say all the preparations for what will happen in this commemoration are, as far as are concerned, [end p11] only in the formative stage. We must consult widely and take into consideration all the very deep and sensitive feelings and get it right, and the problem that we have is that we announce we are going to do something and you promptly want a detailed blueprint of everything that is going to happen. Well, you cannot have it! Not yet!
Question
Mrs. Thatcher, what meaning does Victory in Europe Day have for the young people in Britain, the post-war generation?
Prime Minister
I tried to indicate that in what I said. It means that we treasure and are prepared always to defend a peace with freedom and justice—not peace at any price, but peace with freedom and justice. That is what democracy is and I believe that young people do cherish those values very much indeed.
Question
Prime Minister, was there any discussion about the position of Sterling in your discussions with the Chancellor?
Prime Minister
Only a brief discussion of the strength of the dollar and the welcome for the statement from the G5 Ministers. Among them of course was the one from the Federal Republic of [end p12] Germany and the Bank Governor and the United Kingdom, in Washington yesterday.
Question
Prime Minister, a source of some irritation between the two governments has been your Government's refusal to take as alarmist a view of pollution to the environment as the Germans do. At about the time you began meeting with Mr. Kohl this morning, a Stage II smog alarm was extended to the whole of the Ruhr district here in Germany. Do you think this kind of development might change your Government's views about pollution?
Prime Minister
Conservative Governments in Britain have a very good record on environmental matters. A Clean Air Act was passed by a Conservative Government I think during the period when I was first in Parliament in 1959/64 or even before—1956, before I was in Parliament. So much so that our last smog was in the early 1950s, so we have a very good record on legislation on clear air and clear rivers and indeed, the Thames is a very much cleaner river than it used to be.
With regard to sulphur dioxide in the air, since 1970 our air has shown a diminution of sulphur oxide of 40%; since 1970 and, indeed 20%; since 1980. We are also leading the campaign to get rid of lead in petrol which, as you know, goes, I think by the end of this decade. So do not believe all you hear, if that is what you are hearing! [end p13]
I am told we might have had one smog in the early 1960s, but it is still over twenty years ago!
Question
I was going to raise this issue but that has now been settled, but talking about not believing everything one hears, there has been a North Sea Conference about cleaning up the North Sea and one believes that the United Kingdom is rather reticent about cleaning up the North Sea. Did you talk about this at all or, I would also ask, are you prepared to go beyond purely national measures and join in international measures to this end, such as the Federal Government would like to see?
Prime Minister
Of course in environmental matters you have to go to international measures and cooperate by their very nature, because what one does affects the other, but it is never enough to say what you are not going to do or where you are not going to dump stuff, until you have made a plan and got precise details of what you are going to do with things, and if you do not in fact put things into seas—and of course they would have to be properly treated—then they are going to stay on land, and then you have got to have a look and say: “Where on land shall they go?” . You must make a precise plan, not only of what you are not going to do, but of the consequences for that decision of what you must do, and [end p14] that is the way in which we approach matters on the North Sea.
I might say we are the keenest to have a clean North Sea. We are one of the great conserving fish nations—great conservers the British, and if we had not been there would not have been any fish to fish!