THE POLITICAL CHALLENGE: A EUROPE FOR PEACE AND DEMOCRACY
A few days ago, we celebrated the fortieth anniversary of the D-Day landings. That enterprise was one of the greatest in our history—to free Europe from a cruel tyranny and from a devastating war. And we, the allies, succeeded. [end p1]
But the devastation was great. In that war, Britain lost over 300,000 of our armed forces. In the First World War, the devastation was greater still. This country alone lost three-quarters of a million men; France—almost one and a half million. The losses for every country involved in those wars were horrifying. [end p2]
And most of them young people, fighting to keep a freedom for us, which they were never to enjoy.
Thus twice in forty years, Europe has torn itself apart. And there can hardly have been a family in the land who did not sustain some tragedy. [end p3]
And remember—these horrors were the results of a conventional war. It should remind us all that the preservation of peace is our greatest political challenge.
Since 1945 there have been some 150 armed conflicts across the world.
But for almost forty years, we have had peace in Western Europe. [end p4]
What a precious gift to us all, especially to our young people.
Soon, we will be able to say that we have enjoyed the longest period of uninterrupted peace in Europe since Waterloo.
But the challenge remains: How to keep this peace—peace with freedom and justice? We cannot just take it for granted. [end p5]
How have we achieved it so far?
Partly, by bringing together the European family of nations. Countries who only recently were fighting against one another in war are now working with one another in peace.
But Britain's European policies go wider than the European Community. As indeed, for the defence of free Europe, they must. [end p6]
The D-Day anniversary reminded us vividly of the strength and commitment of the United States to peace and democracy in Europe. The generosity of the United States, not just to Europe but to countries the world over, is unmatched in history. No nation has ever done more.
Twice they came to Europe to help bring wars to an end. Today they remain in Europe to prevent war. This Party, as well as being pro-European, is also strongly pro-American. [end p7]
I believe the United Kingdom has a historic and unique role—European and Atlantic. Euopean, in that we believe in the Community as a family of nations. Atlantic, in that we are a vigorous and steadfast member of the NATO alliance.
NATO was formed in 1948. It was against that background of a sure defence nine years later that the Community was founded [end p8]
NATO, sustaining peace through defence. The Community, pursuing the arts of peace through economic and political co-operation.
Contrast our staunch and reliable record as Conservatives on both NATO and the Community with the uncertain attitudes of the Labour and the alliance parties. [end p9]
Take NATO. In these Euro-elections, over half of the Labour candidates belong to or support CND which wants to see an end to NATO.
What a crazy defence it would be to leave a monopoly of the world's deadliest weapons in the hands of a potential enemy. Faced with a threat we could not then deter, the only course would be surrender. [end p10]
That is why Conservatives believe in the nuclear deterrent. So does NATO.
As for the Liberal-SDP Alliance, it consists of unilaterists and multilaterists—an alliance of opposites. Some Alliance!
And on the Community—ever since Britain first applied to join over twenty years ago, the Conservative Party has held to one policy, with consistency and with conviction. We are for British membership. [end p11]
Europe's past is our past. And we are wholehearted members of the Community.
In the Labour Party, it's different. Consistency there has a strictly limited life. Since the early 1960s, the Labour Party has had six different policies on British membership: Against, then for, then against, then for, then against, now for and against. [end p12]
Little wonder that the average voter doesn't have a clue whether Labour is for staying in or getting out. So Labour Party headquarters have been forced to send out to Labour candidates a clear answer to the question: “Does Labour want to come out of the Common Market?” And what is the clear answer, drafted by the Labour leadership? I quote: “staying in or coming out is not an issue in this election.” In ‘Mastermind’ they have a shorter answer: “Pass” . [end p13]
How can the Labour Party or its candidates expect to be taken seriously either in Britain or in Europe?
As for the Alliance parties, there is no doubt about their enthusiasm for Europe. The trouble is, they want to weaken Britain's say in Europe. For instance, by reducing our power of veto and by giving the Community the power to tax our people directly.
Both our opponents are wrong. [end p14]
Only we Conservatives believe in a strong Britain in a strong Europe. True to Britain and true to Europe. [end p15]
A STRONG BRITISH VOICE
We need a strong British voice in Europe for two reasons. First, we want to win a fair cash deal for Britain—with the emphasis on the word “fair” . One of my colleagues in the Community once said to me: “No-one ever talked about fairness and equity until you came along” ! [end p16]
Thanks to our determined efforts, Britain has had back over £2,000 million.
None of that was negotiated by Labour, although they trumpeted their re-negotiation of our terms of entry. And remember that the prime movers in today's Liberal-SDP Alliance are former Labour Cabinet Ministers.
They do the talking. We get results. [end p17]
These refunds are welcome—not just in themselves, but because they show that our partners respect the British case. Our negotiating position has been strengthened because they know we are a Government which is both strong for Britain and strong for Europe.
But to go on haggling year after year only drains the energies of the Community. This is why we must have a long-term system of finance, fair to Britain and fair to all members. [end p18]
And we've got to keep a firm grip on total Community spending, including that spent on the Common Agricultural Policy. If not, we shall find that others do a lot of the spending and we do a lot of the paying. [end p19]
We need a strong Conservative voice in Europe for a second reason, — to make sure that the Community develops in the way that we believe is the right way.
The founders of the Community did not have in mind some legalistic bureaucracy, but a genuine Community in which a common market for goods and services could promote a sense of common purpose. [end p20]
The very structure of the Treaty of Rome was one of economic freedom and freer trade. The Treaty spoke of: “freedom of movement for persons, services and capital” ; of “a system ensuring that competition in the common market is not destroyed” ; and of “the progressive abolition of restrictions on international trade” . [end p21]
Its authors well knew that you cannot have a free society without economic freedom.
It is that fundamental purpose that we must capture again.
For what is the market economy? It's simply shorthand for saying that each of us should be allowed to spend our money on what we want to buy. And the planned economy? That's soft-sell for saying that we should spend our money on what Sir Humphrey wants us to buy. [end p22]
It's the market economy which gives people more prosperity, offers customers more choice and allows people greater freedom.
And that will bring more jobs too. Because jobs come from providing, not what the planner wants, nor what the producer wants, but what the customer wants. [end p23]
And of course a prosperous Community can only be sustained by sound finance as well as free enterprise.
And it's interesting to see how catching these policies of sound finance have become—whether they're called honest money, or monetarism, just plain commonsense, or Thatcherism. [end p24]
LOOKING AHEAD
Mr. Chairman, I sometimes wonder if we have even begun to dream about what a Europe—which is harmonious, prosperous and free—could offer the rest of the world.
Just look at the potential of Europe. The Community has a population greater than either the United States or the Soviet Union. [end p25]
Its inventive genius could make Europe the centre of tomorrow's industries and technologies. It could be the driving force for freer trade across the world.
Because of our history, Europe can bring a unique contribution to the cause of democracy and justice. Because of our historic links with developing countries, we can provide a bridge between North and South. Because of our growing strength as a world economic grouping, we can help build a bridge from West to East, [end p26]
Because of our natural affinity with the people of America, we must maintain and enhance the link between Europe and the United States. For it was the people of the old world who founded the new, and so brought about the rebirth of liberty. [end p27]
WHY THESE ELECTIONS MATTER
There are some people who think these elections don't really matter. But they do. They matter very much. Because these elections will decide the politics of the European Parliament for the next five years.
And don't think the European Parliament is without powers. It can dismiss the entire Commission—which is why the Commission pays special attention to what the European Parliament says. [end p28]
It has powers over the Budget. And I want to pay tribute to the support of the Conservative MEPs. They have consistently backed the Government's case for reform of the Community's Budget. And they have gained support in the whole Parliament for our determination to achieve a workable long-term solution.
What is more, the European Parliament can exercise great influence over the whole political scene and development of Europe. [end p29]
Of course, the Labour Party doesn't like the present Community. They want to replace it with a Socialist society right across Western Europe.
So it's very important that every Conservative comes out to vote on Thursday. [end p30] — Important that we and similar parties in the other nine countries maintain our strength and representation. — Important so that we can renew the vision of the Community which inspired its founders.
We need a strong Conservative voice in Europe, to speak with clarity and conviction, for the interests and ideals of a great nation and a great continent. On Thursday I rely on you to get every conservative to the poll. The future of Europe depends on you.